Let us begin from the main thing: what is KPRF now?
That’s a good question. Recently rather a good article was published where was said that KPRF is a religious movement with followers who believe in some symbols and signs that help them to feel that they belong to one community. Most people participate in it just as in the West people visit alcoholics anonymous or rape victims societies, that is in psychotherapeutic purposes. Fortunately or not, but this majority becomes even more unstable for quite objective reasons.
It is opposed to a minority of real fighters, active persons, mainly young, but there are also the aged. Most of those people adhere to the left position. Communism for them is not a belief, but a scientific doctrine. These people comprehend what they want to do, they have serious philosophic and economical store. And they really want to change the society and have a definite vision of their ideal. As I have already told, such people are yet minority; and the internal conflict between them and those who can be named “believers” specifies at the moment the conditions inside the party.
The stratum of party organization men actively uses this conflict to organize the business, sometimes the political, sometimes the economic one. As a rule, it is small political concessions or personal privileges, because if these people can really do business they won’t be in KPRF, but in large firms or in bodies of government. In the early 90s they did not get there not because they did not want but because they could not manage. They actively manipulate the believing majority in order not to let the left to operating levels of the party.
KPRF probably acknowledges the resolution of the X congress of the Russian Communist Party (bolsheviks) against factionalism?
Yes, certainly, it does. It is one of grounds of discipline within the party: organisation of factions is prohibited. It is unfortunately so, since, in my opinion, existence of factions would be very useful for the party. It would spur on reflections, would impart to the party some action. But the leadership of the party will never agree on it, pleading authority of great revolutionists.
Is it connected with the political business?
It is connected, most likely, with the monopoly of Gennady Andreevich (Zyuganov – ed.) on the power. Appearance of new factions will mechanically cause appearance of new alternative leaders.
And how can one conceder the permanent leadership of Zyuganov? Is a general secretary replaced only after his death? It is obvious, why Zhirinovsky is a constant leader of the party of Zhirinovsky, it is quite natural, that Yavlinsky is a leader of the party “Yabloko”. But KPRF is not a “ZyuMelKa” party.
Contrary to the popular conception KPRF is may be the most healthy party in Russia. A real, not ostentatious democracy within the party exists. The leader is a true mouthpiece of the majority of communists but not vice versa. Most of KPRF members really support Gennady Andreevich, it’s a fact. The question is, if it is homage of a congregation to the pontiff or respect of followers for their leader. Unfortunately, it is rather the first than the second; it is determined of the disposition we have told about earlier.
The whole system of mass-media within the party work to strengthen the existing state of affairs. It does not fit for external purposes: for increasing of the electorate, for attracting new people, for example, but for internal tasks, for propaganda among members of the party it fits very well. “Sovetskaja Rossija” (lit. Soviet Russia), “Pravda” (lit. the Truth), the whole net of regional newspapers, the common circulation over one million of copies, are all inner-Party media that are designed first of all as means of contemporary strengthening of power of Gennady Andreevich; and Zyuganov himself understands that very well. It's a long time since newspapers were means of agitation, they are functioning as administrative tool. That’s why electronic mass-media designed for other purposes are little interesting for the leadership of the party.
This situation is aggravated by the lack of confidence in “outward” mass-media.
Yes. And this distrust even strengthens the influence of internal ones.
There was quite a remarkable case about a year ago. Valentin Chikin, the chief editor of the so-called “people newspaper” “Sovetskaja Rossija”, that is in fact just a qualitative party periodical, quarreled with Zyuganov, since the leader of the party hesitated to give Chikin a place in the next Duma. There was a seventieth anniversary of the edition, is was on 7 November, and all expected to see a festive issue with the leading article of Zyuganov. Instead of it the newspaper demonstratively did not give him the floor and the main material was an article of a young communist Armen Beniaminov, a hero who has raised a red flag over the State Duma. After that the leadership of the party stopped greeting Armen, that article became for him a black mark. During several months he was forced out from everywhere, he had to be struck off the register in his native Pskov party organization and be registered in Moscow where reigns the spirit of opposition.
Zyuganov apprehended the hint. Heretofore “Sovetskaja Rossia” has received not a penny from the party, the more so as it was one few self-supporting newspapers in the country. Less than in a month they received money, renovated their office, Chikin got guarantees that he would be included in the list of members of the Duma, etc.
How much does it cost?
Not much. KPRF is quite an inexpensive structure thanks to its unselfish activists. That is used by all kinds of scoundrels. How much can a repair cost? I think, they have managed to spend a few hundred of thousands dollars. But a place in the Duma for Chikin is the main thing. It is sad to see how this respected man has compromise and is still compromising and acting against his conscience, how he supports struggle with mythical neo- Trotskyists for a seat in the Duma.
But Duma mandate is already a great price.
It is, though not a material one. In any case that is so for Chikin (except for some social benefits).
But it is regarded.
Relatively. If KPRF sells 100 percent of places like Zhirinovsky does, there will be a fixed price.
Doesn’t KPRF sell 100 percent of places?
Certainly, it doesn’t. As a rule, one place in every regional list is for purchase. Now, taking into account the new election law, 10-15 undoubtedly passing and 15-20 semi-passing places will be for purchase. There are also strange people who buy at a low price undoubtedly not passing places. And how many passing places does KPRF have in regions in average?
If I don’t miss 54 people from KPRF have entered in the Duma. 4 of them are from single member constituencies, the other are from the list. In the next Duma, I suppose, the faction will be larger, because there will be nobody from single member constituencies, only party tickets. In majority areas KPRF, which has lost its main charismatic leaders and now is squeezed harshly by the administrative machine, losts. I think, there will be around 70 seats in the next Duma in all. And 20 will be commercial.
Elections of 2003 that were very successful, KPRF was on the rise and there was и queue of those who wanted to give the party money. To my knowledge, purchase of places has brought the party $24 mln. It was one of the most considerable sum of that kind among all political parties. Really, all that money has been blown, but that is another question. Well, at that time there were also about 20 commercial people.
The ticket was so cheap?
In the previous Duma a regional place in any party coasted $1 mln. If somebody paid more, he overpaid or insured.
And this year?
This year the price will amount to $5 mln.
Including KPRF?
I guess, KPRF will purchase with considerable reduction, taking into account its reputation of the previous time. Besides that, some business structures offended in 2003 were proposed to provide their people on preferential terms.
So, they will sell places for about $100 mln?
If formerly only representatives of big business bought places in KPRF, now it is also representatives of medium-sized business, which are not able to reach places in other parties. In most cases they are criminals, so they require inviolability. Because other parties say: “There are a lot of people which have money. One should deserve right to buy a place in our party.” But KPRF is glad to see everybody.
So, I think, your 100 mln is just a journalistic exaggeration. One should not forget, that KPRF lost the trust of the business after the campaign 2003, since many of those who were in lists, did not passed. They planned to get 20% of votes, but they received only 13% and the party failed. Businessmen were on second places in regional lists, somewhere even on third, but only the first ones passed. Scandals broke out, KPRF had to return some money. Well, they returned money only to those who threatened Zyuganov with violence. There were several hotheads which hinted that there had been not so many political murders in Russia, but the rate of KPRF would jump up if its leader was killed. They proposed this method to get their money back.
Besides that before the appearance of the Fair Russia (Spravedlivaya Rossiya) there was, in my opinion, a real possibility, that KPRF would not be able to overcome the 7 percent voting barrier and would not get into the State Duma.
Did other parties neither return money or it is just Zyuganov’s style?
As soon as I understand, no other party had such a failure. Zhirinovsly, in opposite, tries not to let excess ones in order to keep the reputation of his business.
I.e. Zyuganov has shown himself?
In business there is such a verb: to stiff. As a matter of fact they dare to sell places but they don’t have enough steam to be responsible for their activity or even to command received finance properly, but not just to stuff money into their pockets.
But why didn’t they do like, for example, the United Russia does, i.e. the first number refuses and the second passes? It is an internal mechanism, so it can be run without attraction of the CEC (the Central Election Committee - ed.)
There was such a precedent when Yuri Belov, the leader of nationalistic wing of KPRF refused from his place in benefit of a St. Petersburg pharmaceutical magnate Afanasyev who came over to the United Russia in about a month. The similar case had place in the Moscow region, but not in this. The first place was granted to Igoshin who also came over to the United Russia and now heads the Kirov department of the party. So, there were such precedents.
Recently there was a unique case in Perm. The first secretary of the regional committee of KPRF refused from his mandate. According to the regional law, the mandate doesn’t pass on to the next communist, but it is allot to other factions. That’s why after the refusal the mandate passed on to the United Russia, namely to the regional director of Renova Company (a big Russian asset management business structure) who had paid for it. The quantity of the faction decreased below allowable level, so, that means that not only the mandate, but the faction itself has been sold. After that the very existence of KPRF in the region became questionable.
How much did it cost?
Not so much from the point of view of bigness. I think, much less than a million dollars. Well, he is an elderly person, it’s time for him to be pensioned off.
But, as soon as I understand, all that is a private initiative. And how are finances of KPRF organised?
At the moment KPRF has three main sources of income. It is membership fees, state financing and money of sponsors during elections.
The situation with membership fees became much more better in recent years, you've got to hand it to Kashin, who is responsible for this work. These incomes were the basis of the party budget right to the beginning of the state funding. This is a remarkable feature of KPRF as compared with other parties and movements.
Another character of KPRF is that it can’t earn money in periods between elections. For example, systematic labour union activity is not only assertion of interests of big work collectives, but a constant source of income (for many left organisations it is the key activity). Management of activities of big enterprises or even the whole branches is also a significant income item. International projects with left leaders, with Hugo Chavez, for example, could also work in the interests of the party, the more so as Venezuelan comrades have proposed that.
The only people in KPRF, which are considered to be competent lobbyists (in a good sense), which advance interest of the Russian defense industry, it is people from the circle of Yuri D. Maslyukov. They were harshly fighting against Russia’s entry into the WTO. They did it not only on meetings but also with the help of power mechanisms in the State Duma. Unfortunately, it is an exception from the rule, since the majority of deputies either can’t use it or they are just scooping. They can pull off an apartment, a car, a country house, something for their firms. But they can’t defend interests of whole branches, big work collectives or social groups.
However, there are other examples. There was in KPRF a lobbyist of the group Alfa Leonid Maevsky. For a long time he was reckoned a communist, but he was occupied exceptionally with telecommunications in the interests of this largest financial and industrial group. As a result, when the leadership of KPRF carted him off and he didn’t get the place for that Alfa had paid, he defected from the party with a scandal. In the result of the scandal caused by unscrupulous actions of the leadership of the party, Maevsky has reveled all ins and outs of relations of the leadership of the party with Berezovsky that, as it is well known, influenced on results of the elections.
Does the matter concern the visits in London?
Well, yes. It was a brilliant specialty operation. From the one hand the fugitive tycoon was asked for money, from the other, they immediately denounced themselves to the Administration in order that it would get frightened and give even more money in exchange for a promise not to deal with Berezovsky. The true is that neither in Kremlin, nor in London, they were born yesterday and handed over all the contacts to mass media. In the result KPRF has found itself certainly with money, but in hot water up to its neck. It is especially a pity that this money was spent not on the struggle, but on unfortunate rescue of a plundered corporation Rosagropromstroj. Even more children of leaders became richer; the party became just poorer.
And now I’m reflecting, the party has done everything in its power to defeat Semigin, multitude moles that tried to buy up the party bosses for money of Deripaska. And what we have got in the result? Even harsher control of Kremlin, and it is absolutely free of charge.
There is some contradiction here. If KPRF is under the control of some external forces, of Kremlin, of business, under any universal conspiracy, it doesn’t matter, then where is the struggle from? If not, what is the matter of complaints? Isn’t it a part of a normal political activity?
You see, KPRF at the Kremlin is like Kisa Vorobyaninov at Ostap Bender. In other words, it is somewhat miserable, somewhat ridiculous with all its principles, it can strike an attitude. It always stays near the regime, being not necessary, but convenient and amusing.
Look at the whole history of KPRF. It always lulled itself by the illusion of presence of the own will, but always helped building “new Russian state system”. 1993 Zyuganov helped to put down defenders of the White House; KPRF legitimatized the Constitution and the first Parliament. Therefore it became the Communist Party Number 1, having replaced RKRP that was at the moment much bigger.
1996 KRPF refused asserting its victory and therefore it received a half of governors’ posts.
1998 during the Default KPRF did not lead out people in the streets and in response received a possibility to participate in the coalition government of Primakov-Maslyukov that existed during the time it takes to overcome the crisis and turn to a rapid economic growth.
2000 it supported Putin and was allowed to form coalition in the State Duma. It became in fact the ruling party but it did not change the logic of its actions.
